ISLAMABAD, Pakistan — When President Trump started the new year by suspending billions of dollars of security aid to Pakistan, one theory was that it would scare the Pakistani military into cooperating better with its American allies. The new base is … A look at the origins, goals, and continuing legacy of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation. The new base is also fairly close to Chahabar port in Iran on the Gulf of Oman. For the most part, Pakistan has eagerly turned more toward China as the chill with the United States has deepened. À la suite de programmes de réorganisation (notamment BRAC 2005), des bases ont été fermées et de nouvelles ont été installées dans d'autres régions du monde. If its trial with Pakistan goes well, Beijing could offer Beidou’s military service to other countries, creating a bloc of nations whose military actions would be more difficult for the United States to monitor. Just two weeks later, the Pakistani Air Force and Chinese officials were putting the final touches on a secret proposal to expand Pakistan’s building of Chinese military jets, weaponry and other hardware. The Chinese-built and operated port in Gwadar, Pakistan. Beidou quickly became a core component of Belt and Road, with the Chinese government calling the satellite network part of an “information Silk Road” in a 2015 white paper. In the process, China has lent more and more money to Pakistan at a time of economic desperation there, binding the two countries ever closer. But in Pakistan, China has a steady ally it can approach to smooth things over: the country’s powerful military establishment, which stands to fill its coffers with millions of dollars through CPEC as the military’s construction companies win infrastructure bids. Pakistan’s first debt repayments to China are set for next year, starting at about $300 million and gradually increasing to reach about $3.2 billion by 2026, according to officials. Temps de lecture estimé : 4 minutes Des familles nomades, le 7 octobre 2017 dans les montagnes du Wakhan, en Afghanistan. Linking Kabul to both the China-Pakistan Energy Corridor and OBOR could go a long way in bringing the region together. The public vision for the project was that it would allow Chinese goods to bypass much longer and more expensive shipping routes through the Indian Ocean and avoid the territorial waters of several American allies in Asia. La Chine négocie avec l’Afghanistan de la construction d’une base militaire près de leur frontière commune, espérant décourager des incursions de militants islamistes sur son propre sol et appuyer son fragile voisin, selon des sources afghanes. Click here to subscribe for full access. Years after contracting to have China build new power plants, Pakistan still has a problem with severe electricity shortfalls. Pour parvenir à cet objectif, le gouvernement Chinois n’a pas ménagé ses efforts et annonçait notamment en 2017 un budget militaire de 1000 milliards de yuans soit 140 milliards d'euros [3], ce qui représente une hausse de 7 % par rapport à l'année précédente, et en fait le deuxième budget militaire mondial derrière les États-Unis. Irrespective of how serious such a threat of a blockade is, China has justified its interest in Gwadar as driven by its need for alternate shipping routes. A less scrutinized component of Belt and Road is the central role Pakistan plays in China’s Beidou satellite navigation system. For Pakistan, this may be a knee-jerk reaction to the Trump administration’s policy of what Pakistanis consider the “abandonment” of Pakistan. suspending billions of dollars of security aid to Pakistan, two powers increasingly confront each other at sea, supercharged the project with an estimated $800 million development plan, it started militarizing contested islands in the South China Sea. Linking the port to western China would be a new 2,000-mile network of highways and rails through the most forbidding stretch of Pakistan: Baluchistan Province, a resource-rich region plagued by militancy. China could use the equipment it sells to the South Asian country to refuel its own submarines, extending its navy’s global reach. The Pakistani military has been a vital supporter, and securer, of China’s projects in Pakistan. “The focus of Belt and Road is on roads and bridges and ports, because those are the concrete construction projects that people can easily see. Some Pakistani officials are growing concerned about losing sovereignty to their deep-pocketed Asian ally, but the host of ways the two countries are now bound together may leave Pakistan with little choice but to go along. Under a program China insisted was peaceful, Pakistan is cooperating on distinctly defense-related projects, including a secret plan to build new fighter jets. Gwadar is an important part of the China’s strategic plans, and it seems primarily to be driven by Beijing’s fear of a potential naval blockade of its sea lanes of communication (SLOCs). “No one wanted to invest here — the Chinese took a chance,” Mr. Iqbal said in an interview. The fund’s representatives pressed Pakistan to share all existing agreements with the Chinese government and demanded I.M.F. Pour parvenir à cet objectif, le gouvernement Chinois n’a pas ménagé ses efforts et annonçait notamment en 2017 un budget militaire de 1000 milliards de yuans soit 140 milliards d'euros [3], ce qui représente une hausse de 7 % par rapport à l'année précédente, et en fait le deuxième budget militaire mondial derrière les États-Unis. Le 1er août 2017, la République Populaire de Chine (RPC) ouvrait officiellement à Djibouti sa première base militaire permanente à l’étranger [1].Les autorités de Pékin se sont félicitées d’un évènement révélant une évolution significative de leur politique étrangère et de défense. 2 commentaire (s) La base chinoise à Djibouti: un peu plus qu'une simple installation de soutien logistique ... (dont Gwadar au Pakistan et Djibouti). On the other hand, a Chinese military analyst, Zhou Chenming, claims that “China needs to set up another base in Gwadar for its warships because Gwadar is now a civilian port.” He added that “It’s a common practice to have separate facilities for warships and merchant vessels because of their different operations. Just $5 a month. Foreign investment in Pakistan was scant, driven away by terrorist attacks and the country’s enduring reputation for corruption. Ainsi, durant les deux derniers siècles, les gouvernements chinois successifs se sont avant tout focalisés sur la mise en œuvre d’une stratégie à prédominance terrestre en raison de l’existence de dangers d’origine continentale et de la crainte d’une rébellion interne. Un changement de paradigme stratégique s’est opéré transpirant jusque dans les différents Livres blancs de la défense. Pakistan’s central bank governor, Ashraf Wathra, said publicly in 2015 that he had no clarity on Chinese investments in Pakistan and was concerned about rising debt levels. The naval base will be located in Gwadar Port, in the Pakistani province of Balochistan. Establishing a joint naval and air base would mean relocating thousands of local Baluchis, which could create additional social and economic disturbances in the region and could further spur Baluchi unrest. Lin Minwang of Fudan University, for example, has argued that the base “is unnecessary at this time,” suggesting that it will be needed only  if Washington’s Indo-Pacific strategy gains traction. Throughout September, international delegations traveled to Islamabad carrying the same message: Reveal the extent of Chinese loans if you want financial assistance. In Pakistan, China has found an amenable ally with much to recommend it: shared borders and a long history of cooperation; a hedge in South Asia against India; a large market for arms sales and trade with potential for growth; a wealth of natural resources. A Chinese rocket boosting two Pakistani satellites into orbit from Jiuquan, China, in July.Credit...Visual China Group, via Getty Images.

base militaire chinoise pakistan

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